Newfoundland & Labrador’s Omnishambles Election of 2021 Continues


How This Happened

Today, on 13 February 2021, Newfoundlanders and Labradoreans across the province should have made their way to their polls and cast their ballots in a general election for their province’s 50th General Assembly. But events intervened.

Newfoundland and Labrador now finds itself navigating through uncharted waters amidst thick fog. Premier Dr. Furey made the foolish decision to trigger an election at the peak of flu season, with a campaign between 15 January and 13 February. Cases of COVID-19 started mounting earlier this week, and Chief Electoral Officer Bruce Chaulk issued a desperate plea on 11 February that the Premier advise the Lieutenant Governor postpone the election after poll workers for Elections Newfoundland and Labrador quit in fear of their safety. Chaulk then took the unprecedented action of cancelling in-person voting in 18 out of 40 ridings that same day, through ambiguous legal authority. On 12 February, the Chief Medical Officer announced that the province would enter another stringent lockdown effective immediately, and the Chief Electoral Officer later that day cancelled all in-person voting in the remaining 22 ridings and unilaterally extended the writ for special ballots to 1 March 2021, in direct violation of section 58(1) of the Elections Act, which sets the maximum writ at 35 clear days, in this case, up to 20 February 2021 at most.[1]The Premier made a terrible error in judgement, which, in turn, has forced the Chief Electoral Officer to issue an illegal directive which directly contradicts the Elections Act that he is tasked to uphold. This confluence of stupidity and illegality calls into question the integrity and constitutionality of this entire election, the ill-begotten results of which we will not know until  mid-March at the earliest.

Newfoundland and Labrador should have amended and updated its Elections Act when the House of Assembly sat between September and December 2020 to give the Chief Electoral Officer flexibility within the clear bounds of statutory authority, similar to how the Lieutenant Governor-in-Council of Saskatchewan passed new Elections Act Regulations, as secondary legislation, in advance of its election in 2020 – which its fixed-date election law also scheduled during the pandemic. At this stage, I can only hope that other provinces and territories, and Ottawa, will take note and that their legislatures will amend through primary legislation, or their Governors-in-Council will modify through second legislation, as the case may be, their respective Election Acts, so that no other jurisdiction in Canada subjects itself to this pathetic and unedifying spectacle.

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Posted in Elections, Fixed-Date Elections, Reform | 2 Comments

Electoral Disaster Strikes the Rock: Newfoundland & Labrador’s Crazy COVID Election


Introduction 

A year ago, Dwight Ball announced his intention to resign as Premier of Newfoundland and Labrador as soon as the Liberal Party had selected his successor as party leader.[1] The Liberal Party’s convention did not end up doing so until 3 August 2020 when they elected Andrew Furey, MHA for Humber-Gros Morne.[2] Lieutenant-Governor Judy Foote then appointed Furey as the 14th Premier of Newfoundland and Labrador (since 1949) on 19 August 2020.[3]

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Posted in Crown (Powers and Office), Dissolution, Elections, Fixed-Date Elections, Reform | 3 Comments

The Nova Scotian Strain: Tactical Prorogation in Canada’s Ocean Playground


Prorogation by Speech from the Throne Qualifies as a “Sitting”

On 18 December 2020, prorogation once again provoked some controversy in Canada – but this time for a different reason which might surprise you.

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Posted in Crown (Powers and Office), Prorogation | Leave a comment

The Shards of the Office of Governor General of Canada


Introduction

In January 2021, Julie Payette resigned the Office of Governor General in disgrace. Her troubled tenure has shattered the credibility of the institution and provided anti-monarchists a greater platform on which to stand than they ever dared hope. In “A Star Goes Supernova,” I reviewed three years’ worth of newspaper reports which chronicled from 2018 to 2020 her steadfast refusal to carry out her constitutional and ceremonial duties and the toxic culture of harassment and recrimination which she brewed at Rideau Hall, leading to mass resignations, insincere and mendacious non-apology apologies, and, ultimately, to a damning independent report that proved her downfall. Payette’s resignation broke new ground in Canada but has precedents elsewhere in our sister Commonwealth Realms. In this piece, I will explain what happens when the Office of Governor General becomes vacant, review similar precedents in the other Realms where other Governors have resigned their offices, and show how we avoided an even messier and less edifying fate of dismissal. 

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Posted in Crown (Powers and Office), Governor General | 4 Comments

A Star Goes Supernova: Julie Payette Resigns as Governor General


This week, we have seen the departure of a disgraced, self-serving petulant bully who left executive office with one last closing salvo of bitter recrimination and disavowal of personal responsibility for having created a toxic, dysfunctional workplace that showed absurdly high levels of turnover and waves of mass resignations.

And we also witnessed President Trump leaving the White House one last time.

Julie Payette marked her tenure as Governor General of Canada by oscillating between long bouts of lassitude punctuated by periods of immense controversy and heightened media scrutiny. Payette melted down Rideau Hall into a toxic workplace, systematically drove out the most experienced staff, and reduced those who remained to quotidian bouts of tears of frustration.

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Posted in Crown (Powers and Office), Governor General, Governor's Discretion | 4 Comments