“A crocus and fleur-de-lis entwined.
Autonomism forever!:
On 14 November 2023, the Government of Quebec updated its administrative consolidation of the Constitution Acts to what should be its 4th edition and recognised a constitutional amendment that the legislature of Saskatchewan added to the text of section 90 of the Constitution Act, 1867 as of 15 September 2023.
British Columbia became the first province to adopt fixed-date election laws in 2001, and the law first took effect for the province’s general election of 2005. Newfoundland and Labrador followed suit and enacted Canada’s second fixed-date election law in 2004, which first applied to the general election in 2007. Some Canadian scholars hailed this initial wave of provincial fixed-date election laws in the mid- to late-2000s as a panacea that would rebalance the “democratic deficit” – a fashionable phrase fifteen to twenty years ago – vanquish political cynicism, and increase voter turnout. Henry Milner speculated fervently in 2005 that fixed-date elections would complement efforts to increase voter turnout, though without necessarily doing so directly themselves.
Beyond this, fixed election dates could enhance the effectiveness of a variety of measures designed to actively boost voter turnout.[1] […] This does not mean that moving toward fixed voting dates will in itself reverse Canada’s low and declining voter turnout; but it is a necessary component of a systematic effort to address this pressing issue.[2]
Now that we have run this experiment for ten to almost twenty years in most jurisdictions, we can examine the statistical trends: the statistics do not bear out this hypothesis. Voter turnout has either continued to decline or has levelled out since the advent of fixed-date election laws in Canada and in all provinces, except for in Alberta, where its transition toward a two-party system with increased competition and choice in elections since 2012 probably explains higher turnout.
In the following charts, I noted the general elections which have taken place since the fixed-date elections law first applied, though these lists include both scheduled and snap general elections. I have drawn the data from the official reports of Chief Electoral Officers or from the website of the relevant elections agency.
On 23 October, Jean Chrétien sat for an interview with Daniel Thibault of Radio-Canada to mark the 30th anniversary of the general election of 1993, in which he led the Liberals to victory and the first of three consecutive parliamentary majorities. Thibault asked Chrétien, who will turn 90 on 11 January 2024, various perfunctory and respectful questions about his ten years as prime minister, and their exchange included Chrétien’s recollections of Quebec’s referendum of 1995. But here the wily old Jean Chrétien – derided as “Yesterday’s Man” even back in the election of 1993 – still wishes not merely to share his own recollections of significant political events but to spin tall tales in that famous folksiness of the Little Guy from Shawinigan.
This interview will receive little to no attention in English Canada and will disappear into the ether that separates our Two Solitudes.
Chrétien recounted the following to Thibault at around 5 minutes and 40 seconds into the video:
A Politician’s Propensity toward Platitude Destroys His Career
After Volodymyr Zelenskyy, the President of Ukraine, addressed a joint sitting of the House of Commons and Senate on Thursday, 21 September 2023, Anthony Rota, the Speaker of the House of Commons, recognised an elderly man in the galleries:
“We have here in the chamber today a Ukrainian Canadian war veteran from the Second World War who fought for Ukrainian independence against the Russians and continues to support the troops today even at his age of 98. His name is Yaroslav Hunka. I am very proud to say that he is from North Bay and from my riding of Nipissing—Timiskaming. He is a Ukrainian hero and a Canadian hero, and we thank him for all his service. Thank you.”[1]
Rota’s praise precipitated a standing ovation. This seemed in the moment like the sort of innocuous and innocent platitude that politicians routinely make about their own constituencies, and it formed but one part of his closing remarks to the Ukrainian delegation.
The Legislative Assembly of Northwest Territories convened in Inuvik – above the latitudinal treeline and thus away from the fires – on 28 August, though most MLAs had logged on remotely via Zoom because the fires had forced many of them had to flee the territory and take refuge in Alberta.
The Legislative Assembly met yesterday afternoon and passed three bills: one postponing the general election, another amending the Emergency Management Act, and a third Supplementary Appropriation Act (Operations Expenditures) No 2 to cover the costs of evacuating residents and containing the fires.[1] The Speaker mentioned that “The Commissioner will be asked to assent in writing to the bills you passed today.”[2] I can therefore only presume that the Commissioner of Northwest Territories, Margaret Thom, swiftly granted these three bills Royal Assent by written declaration yesterday.
